编按》4月13日在北京的记者会上，克里表示，美国希望与中国保持"strong, normal and special relationship"。当“特殊关系” 这一词语冒出，顿时让很多人疑惑不解。当天查遍西方主流媒体，皆独漏不报，也相当罕见。仅有China.org.cn这一家中方的英文媒体，以简短不到350字及一个记者会视屏刊出，而且并未引起太大的关注。事隔十天，美国《外交政策》杂志于24日作了追踪报导，但未提及任何美国官方立场的说明。众所周知，几十年来，美国一直把 “特殊关系”一词，专门保留给英国和以色列，即便日本也还称不上是美日“特殊关系”。所以克里的说词，确实存在很大的争议（problematic）。不过，朝鲜日报驻东京特派记者车学峰26日有一条独家新闻，指出奥巴马政府的一位高层负责人今年年初曾对韩方表示：“美日关系不再是世界上最重要的同盟关系。” “美日同盟依然重要，但不能说最重要。” “亚洲现在发生了很大变化，中国变成了最重要的国家。”总之，类似这些拗口的美国外交词令，确实含有深意。
For decades, the United States has reserved the term "special relationship" for two countries, Britain and Israel, but Secretary of State John Kerry called for a new "special relationship" with China during his recent trip to Asia.
The U.S.-UK
"special relationship" has been a hallmark of bilateral relations for
decades. Kerry acknowledged it explicitly during his first trip abroad, which
began in London, standing alongside British Foreign Secretary William
Hague.
Kerry again noted
the U.S.-UK special relationship in an April
8 statement expressing condolences for the death of former British
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.
"We celebrate
especially the way, with a hand outstretched across the Atlantic, Lady Thatcher
strengthened the Special Relationship between the United States and the United
Kingdom -- a relationship that remains a driving force for freedom, justice,
and democracy," Kerry said.
Defense
Secretary Chuck Hagel noted that the
U.S. and Israel also have a "special relationship" on his way there
April 21.
"I'm going to
Israel first because it is a nation that has had a very special relationship
with the United States," Hagel said.
But Asia hands
were taken aback when Kerry used the term to call for a "special
relationship" with China during an April 13 solo press
availability in Beijing.
"I do think
that today's visit makes it clear that the United States wants a strong,
normal, but special relationship with China, and that's a special -- because
China is a great power with a great ability to affect events in the world. And
we need to work together to do that," Kerry said.
Robert Zarate,
policy director at the Foreign Policy Initiative, told The Cable that
Kerry may not have realized that he was diluting the exclusivity of the term
"special relationship," but that Kerry's overall tone reveals how he
wants to position the United States vis-à-vis Asia's greatest rising power.
"By using
that term ‘special relationship' to describe his hopes for the U.S.-China
relationship's future, I think Secretary Kerry is, consciously or not,
expressing the Obama administration's strong desire to accommodate China's
great-power rise -- but, as America's allies and partners in Asia will tell you
privately, that's a very, very problematic desire," he said.
The
Cable also found an instance during the trip when
Kerry called the U.S.-Japan relationship "special," although
he was at that time referencing the gift of American dogwood trees to Japan in
acknowledgment of Japan's gift of cherry blossom trees 100 years prior.
"At this
point, the United States has a ‘special relationship' with two countries:
the United Kingdom and Israel," Zarate said. "The next country
we might want to add to that very short list is potentially Japan, but China,
for very obvious reasons, shouldn't even be online for that list yet."
克里：Remarks on a 21st Century Pacific Partnership（全文）
15/04/2013 | John Kerry ｜Tokyo|u.s. state department of state
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very, very much. Thank you very much, President Mishima, for a generous introduction. It's a great privilege for me to be here. Thank you. And thank you all for coming to share some thoughts this morning.
I understand that Tokyo Tech has been referred to as Japan’s M.I.T. So even halfway around the world from Boston, I feel very much at home, and thank you. (Applause.) I hate to tell you, but it’s probably that familiar feeling of knowing there isn't a chance in the world that I could have gotten admitted here. (Laughter.)
But anyway, I want to thank the distinguished members of the Diet who have joined us here this morning. I’m very honored to be joined by members of the Japan-U.S. Parliamentary Friendship League, including Chairman Nakasone and also Chief Secretary Kosaka, as well as New Komeito Party Leader Yamaguchi. I appreciate your being here very much. Thank you for the work you do to promote parliamentary exchanges that deepen the bond between our countries.
I also want to recognize leaders of the American business community who are here today, including Larry Bates of the American Chamber of Commerce -- Chamber of Commerce here in Japan, obviously, and Charles Lake of the U.S.-Japan Business Council. And I want to say particularly hello and congratulations for the job well done to my friend, the ambassador, John Roos, who I think has been a good leader during a difficult time here.
So we begin by allowing me to say how much of a pleasure it is for me to be back here in Japan. I have been here before, and I am reminded that you all have been through some difficult periods of time here. Our friendship is essential to peace in the region, and America is very grateful for the strength of our relationship.
I was reminded at the Embassy yesterday that I actually have some family connections here. A long time ago, my grandfather’s cousin William Cameron Forbes served as the ambassador here in Tokyo, and today I have a cousin working here on the TOMODACHI program while her husband helps to defend Japan as a Navy aviator based at Atsugi. So I really feel like I have personal connections to Japan, past and present, and I'm among family when I visit here. That makes it even more meaningful to be here today to share some thoughts with you about America’s vision for the Asia Pacific.
Some people might be skeptical of America’s commitment to this region. Well, let me be clear: President Obama made a smart and a strategic commitment to rebalance our interests and investments in Asia. My commitment to you is that as a Pacific nation that takes our Pacific partnership seriously, we will continue to build on our active and enduring presence.
I want you to know that right now while I'm here, back in Washington right now, Americans are enjoying the blooming of the sakura, the flowering cherry trees you so generously gave us 101 years ago. And I hope that if you haven't seen them in person, you could at least have been able to see photographs, the beautiful ribbon of color that surrounds our memorial to America’s third President, Thomas Jefferson, who also happened to be our first Secretary of State. I can't tell you how beautiful those trees are. As a senator, I've gone down there many times to see them, and those trees are an enduring and deeply loved symbol of the great friendship between our two nations.
We are now very happy to be reciprocating by planting thousands of American dogwood trees across Japan as a token of the Friendship Blossoms program my predecessor, Secretary Clinton, began last year. So we have a special relationship, my friends.
Decades after our modern partnership rose from the ashes of war, this relationship has matured into one of the strongest on earth. Our alliance has underwritten the peace, stability, and prosperity of the Asia Pacific. Ours is a global partnership, based on common values, with a strong bilateral security alliance and common approaches to regional and to global challenges. As Prime Minister Abe said in Washington, no one should ever doubt the strength of our remarkable alliance.
Today I come here to reiterate, on behalf of all Americans, our continued commitment is to stand with the people of Japan in preventing conflict and ensuring safety and security, especially as you continue the difficult and sometimes dangerous work of recovering from the Great East Japan Earthquake. As you say here: nana korobi ya oki; fall down seven times, get up eight. So that is exactly what you have done, and we admire the strength of the Japanese people as you undertake this difficult task of rebuilding.
The past few generations have produced an extraordinary period of prosperity in Asia. It has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty across the entire region and it has fostered dynamic, innovative economies that today are fueling global growth. Today, it is fair to say that Asia is quite simply the world’s most dynamic region.
Equally as important, Asia is showing the world what can happen when you look forward. That’s a lesson that I learned from a colleague that I came to respect immensely, Senator Dan Inouye . Some of you may have known him personally, remember him well. He was a special friend of Japan. He was the first Japanese-American elected to the United States Senate. But before that, despite the incredible injustices he endured in his own country, Dan volunteered to fight for his nation, losing his arm in World War II. In the three decades that I had the honor to work with Dan, I came to know a quiet optimist who always looked ahead, who was never a prisoner of the past. He was informed by the past, but never locked by it. And there's a lesson for all of us in his life and in his wisdom.
Throughout Asia, I have now seen that very same spirit firsthand, people overcoming conflicts that seem to be locked in time. Indeed, much of my work personally over 29 years on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee was about trying to resolve the lingering questions of the 20th century.
In the Philippines I worked with people who struggled to shake free the yoke of dictatorship and who fought for the fullness of democracy. I will never forget being in Manila during elections, seeing women come out of the voting booth with tears in their eyes, knowing that they now had the power to change their own country for the better and to buy a different future.
In Burma I met Aung Sung Sui Kyi in the very home in which she was imprisoned for nearly two decades for the simple crime of speaking her mind. Today, President Thein Sein and a resurgent parliament, one that incredibly includes former military officers working alongside Aung Sung Sui Kyi. They together have launched a journey toward democracy that was unthinkable just two years ago.
I was also deeply engaged in and witness to this same work in Vietnam. Decades after the war had left the battlefield, it still lived on in the hearts and in the minds of so many. Vietnam faced an embargo and an absence of true peace. But our two countries reached out and found the will to try to move forward, to find answers to important questions about prisoners of war and missing servicemen, and to move beyond the emotions in order to normalize relations. Our evolving relationship today is about the future, including the latest U.S.-Vietnam human rights dialogue that we held in Hanoi last Friday. Unimaginable not so long ago.
But still we all know, everybody understands some of the challenges of the last century have survived into the 21stcentury: the pursuit of nuclear weapons, maritime disputes, climate change. They all threaten stability. We have a choice. We can either stand still and see them as obstacles, or we can join together and move forward and see them as opportunities.
I believe and President Obama believes that we have a duty to make sure that we learn the lessons of a century in which so many lives and so many years were lost to war. We have a duty to look ahead and define a path toward progress in the Asia-Pacific. And that means making the most of this opportunity.
Now you have all heard, I know – and I say this without presumption that we're proud of it – you’ve all heard of the American Dream. It is embodied by no one more than by Barack Obama. Now Beijing’s new leader has introduced what he calls a “China Dream.” Today I’d like to speak with you about our opportunity in this increasingly global age to design and define our dream for the Pacific region, one in which nations and people forge a partnership that shapes our shared future.
President Obama said right here in this very city in the first year of his presidency, that the Pacific Ocean doesn’t separate us so much as it connects us. I feel the same way about our shared principles and values, which bring us closer, closer together than we often imagine.
Quite simply, people everywhere share the same values, share the same universal valued, and they resonate in every single human heart. Those values don’t belong to any one country. They don’t belong to a party. They don’t belong to one leader. They don’t belong to an ideology. And any leader who tries to suppress those leaders will find that they resist even the worst oppression.
And we see these values come to life every day. You see it in the hard work of a parent who struggles to give a child a good education, you see it in the dignity that comes with a decent job, you see it in the common desire to live in a safe neighborhood and a secure nation, you see it in the demand that leaders protect the rights of people and be responsive to our needs and aspirations. Those are the things that connect all of us no matter what nationality or country we live in.
Our job, all of us, as governments and as citizens, is to keep these universal values at the forefront of our international efforts so that they guide leaders at all levels in all countries, so that they help break down the resistance to change, so that they illuminate a beacon for people everywhere. And these shared values I respectfully say to you today should become the foundation of a new era of collaboration guided by clear rules of the road.
Our Pacific Dream is to translate our strongest values into an unprecedented security, economic, and social cooperation. We can break new ground in how we keep countries safe, help economies to mature, create new jobs and embrace partnerships for the future. And we can do it while empowering people to make these choices for themselves. We can turn our potential and our promise into widespread prosperity and opportunity, and in doing so, we can pass the test by which every generation is judged.
Now I’m not speaking about a static set of commandments. I’m talking about a mutual recognition that we are all in this together, otagai-sama – (laughter) – and a conversation that begins with the realization that cooperation can benefit us all. It is increasingly clear that what happens around the Pacific matters around the rest of the world now more than ever before. After all, this region is home to both enormous opportunities and enormous challenges at the same time, and how we handle them together will be felt for a long time everywhere in the world.
So to make our shared vision a reality for the region and to ensure that Asia contributes to global peace and prosperity, together I submit to you that we need to organize ourselves around four principles: strong growth, fair growth, smart growth, and just growth. Let me talk about that for a moment.
First, the successful region we can build as partners must be stable, peaceful and a contributor to global security. The presence of the United States in the Asia Pacific and our network of alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand, these have already formed a fundamental platform. But many challenges remain, and the most immediate among them, as we all know, is North Korea.
In the last few days I have consulted closely with the leaders of the Republic of Korea and China and with your Foreign Minister, and I will speak again today with Prime Minister Abe. One thing is certain: We are united. There can be no confusion on this point. The North’s dangerous nuclear missile program threatens not only North Korea’s neighbors, but it threatens its own people, and it threatens this concept of the Pacific Dream. The United States remains open to authentic and credible negotiations on denuclearization, but the burden is on Pyongyang. North Korea must take meaningful steps to show that it will honor commitments it has already made, and it has to observe laws and the norms of international behavior.
At a time when the world is moving toward fewer nuclear weapons, not more, when President Obama has articulated a clear vision for nonproliferation the last thing we need is one or two states bucking the trend of history and common sense. The world does not need more potential for war. And so we will stand together, and we welcome China’s strong statement of its commitment two days ago to the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
Moving forward together means it is time also to put long-festering territorial pursuits behind us. The stakes are far too high and the global economy is too fragile for anyone to allow these inherited problems to divide the region and to enflame it. Unilateral action and the failure of diplomacy would carry too great a cost, so we need to follow the example of the students at this school, think creatively and innovatively, and work together to find peaceful and diplomatic solutions to these differences.
Moving forward together means it is time also to put long-festering territorial pursuits behind us. The stakes are far too high and the global economy is too fragile for anyone to allow these inherited problems to divide the region and to enflame it. Unilateral action and the failure of diplomacy would carry too great a cost, so we need to follow the example of the students at this school, think creatively and innovatively, and work together to find peaceful and diplomatic solutions to these differences.
And moving forward also means that people must be free from the fear of human trafficking, narcotics, and other transnational threats like cyber attacks. Some of the most serious cyber threats to businesses emanate from this region, and they threaten the entire global economy. That is precisely why we have established a cyber working group with Japan and another with China in order to ensure that the Asia Pacific will be part of the solution.
Working cooperatively and proactively to peacefully resolve these issues I know will provide the security this region needs to build the Pacific Dream.
Our second shared challenge is ensuring Pacific economies create prosperity in marketplaces that are fair, meaning that they are open, transparent, and accountable. The collaborative region that I envision must enjoy sustainable economies, free trade, fast growth, but it must offer every nation, big and small, a seat at the table and a clear sense of what everybody’s responsibilities are.
Japan is America’s fourth-largest export market, and the nearly 300 billion trade and investment relationships that our workers have spent decades building is especially critical in an interdependent world. Last week, the United States and Japan reached an important bilateral agreement that marks a significant step toward Japan joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. I can’t tell you, this is really an exciting opportunity, a great opportunity for Japan and for the region and for the world. With Japan onboard, this trade agreement would represent 40 percent of global GDP. And as we continue to work together through the next steps, I assure you the United States and its TPP partners are committed to having Japan join us at the negotiating table as soon as possible.
But we need to do more to make this vision real. Like any profitable enterprise, growth requires investment, investment in the neighborhood and investment beyond. Japan knows this, and I think can be very, very proud of the extremely high standard that it has set with its contributions to development and international assistance.
In the United States, we share this tradition of trying to help people throughout the world to help themselves. Your neighbor South Korea is a case in point. On Friday, I met with business leaders in Seoul and saw the extraordinary economic gains that they have made. It’s remarkable in their own right, but I’ve got to tell you, it’s even more remarkable when you just consider that a few decades ago, South Korea was an aid recipient of the United States. Today, that nation is one of the most modern and advanced economies, and it gives aid to other countries. That’s what this kind of partnership means. That’s how you build a future, believing in the possibilities of investment and in the possibilities of other people coming to the table.
Like foreign aid investments, education – need I say it here at this famous university – education yields enormous dividends on relatively small down payments, and international educational exchanges pay some of the best social dividends. Only by immersing ourselves in each other’s languages and cultures can we truly understand each other and build partnerships. Tokyo Tech President Mishima understood that when he went to study in California. And we were talking about his years at Berkley just before I came out here. Our Fulbright scholars understand this around the world. So do the hundreds of international students who came to Tokyo to pursue their degrees at this prestigious university.
And I invite all of you at Tokyo Tech to reverse the troubling trend of fewer Japanese students studying in the United States. Come and learn in our universities. The value of educational exchanges can never be underestimated. It is so important to us, and the more of these exchanges that there are, the faster our vision can become a reality. I can’t tell you how many foreign ministers I have met and finance ministers and prime ministers around the world who proudly tell me of the years they spent in the United States learning at one of our universities. And it creates an understanding that helps us build this kind of common enterprise.
Yesterday I saw this actually in some of your contemporaries, those of you who are students here, because I met with a bunch of students from the TOMODACHI exchange initiative. And this is a groundbreaking public-private partnership. It was started by Ambassador Roos, and it invests in the next generation of Japanese and American leaders. I found these students exciting, interesting to listen to, inspiring. They were curious, and they were caring about our shared future, and they were engaged in the issues of the world. Most important, as one young Filipino-American studying in Tokyo said to me yesterday, they aren’t bound or burdened by the past. Her generation, she said, is a clean slate, looking outward and forward, and I think we would do well to follow that example.
Now I said we need to grow smart, too. As the world’s biggest consumers of energy and the biggest emitters of greenhouse gases, Pacific nations – and that includes us – have an enormous responsibility to lead a transformation that can save lives and property and create jobs at the same time. My friends, I cannot say this to you more seriously. I cannot emphasize it enough. This is not a choice. This is something we have to do together, because climate change grows more and more serious and threatening and challenging by the day, and it is one of the most obvious shared challenges on the face of this planet.
People on the streets of Beijing – you’ve been hearing from them this last few years – they want to breathe clean air just as much as people on the streets of Tokyo or the streets of Boston do. Farmers in India and Indonesia, they lose sleep over droughts just as much as farmers in Indiana do. So this is not a local problem. And I’ll tell you in a more collaborative Asia Pacific, I am absolutely confident we will find the solutions, we will push the curve of discovery, and we can do it without jeopardizing our economies. We will grow our economies.
Every – the most important thing to remember about this is the solution to climate change is not some pie-in-the-sky, complicated, hard-to-find policy. Energy policy is the solution to climate change. It’s staring us in the face, and the energy market is a $6 trillion market now with 4 billion users today, growing to 9 billion users in the course of this century. That is the biggest market of all markets of all time, folks.
And a far-sighted and a sure-footed approach to energy, including exploring new kinds of energy, will do extraordinary things for business, and it will mean sustainable growth for the long term. So to grow smart, we have to be willing to try new things.
I want you to know that we greatly appreciate Japan’s partnership as we begin to realize the mutual benefits of natural gas and what that can offer to both of our economies and to the world. We also appreciate China’s exploding investments into clean and alternative and renewable energies. A couple of nights ago, I stood in Beijing alongside U.S. and Chinese companies that are working together on green technologies that can benefit the environment and markets all over the world. And just think, 10 years ago, Chinese companies were investing $1 million in energy projects in the United States. Last year, that number was $9 billion. That’s the future, and we all need to grasp it.
And I also want to say we not only appreciate the work that Tokyo Tech is doing, but we admire you for having set the gold standard for green living, including the Environmental Energy Innovation Building that you opened on this campus last year, and it’s covered in solar panels and generates almost all of the energy that it consumes. That’s the future. And in the conversion of our buildings, there are millions of jobs to be created, new products to be sold.
It just underscores something else, too. We can learn a lot from each other. It takes the average Japanese household about three years to use as much energy as an American household uses in just one year. We have to do better. And with President Obama’s leadership we are doing better than ever before to combat climate change, but we know we need smarter energy policies to live up to the responsibility before us and in order to contribute to this critical, collaborative effort.
Finally, we must use our Pacific partnership to build a region whose people can enjoy the full benefits of democracy, the rule of law, universal human rights, including the freedom of expression, freedom of association, and peaceful assembly, freedom of religion, conscience and belief. Human rights are quite simply are the foundation for a free and an open society. And history shows us that countries whose policies respect and reflect these rights are far more likely to be more peaceful and more prosperous, far more effective at tapping the talents of their people, far more capable of being innovative and moving rapidly and innovatively in the marketplace, and they are better long-term partners.
Now I will say to you we are well aware of all the challenges that remain. But the truth is the trend lines in the Asia Pacific are heading in the right direction, the direction of reform and responsive government. And countries that have succeeded are now beginning to serve – excuse me – are now beginning to serve as examples to other countries. Just look at Mongolia, a young democracy. It’s about to host a meeting of the Community of Democracies in its own capital, an event that you would have thought was impossible just 10 years ago. Indonesia, which embraced democracy after decades of dictatorship, and now reaches out to the region through its own Bali Democracy Forum.
The transformations that the world has witnessed in those countries, and in Japan and South Korea, or what I saw in the Philippines and that is now beginning in Burma, are powerful simply because they grew from within. Blood and battle are not the only catalysts of change. Other countries can similarly choose to replicate the transitions of their neighbors. And they can do so peacefully, inspire the world, and join us in the Pacific community we’re building for the future.
In each of these efforts – growing strong, growing fair, growing smart and growing just – China is, of course, a critical partner.
As I told President Xi this weekend, the United States and the world benefit from a stable and prosperous China that assumes the responsibilities of a great power, a China that respects the will of its people, a China that plays a key role in world affairs, but that also plays by the rules. We all have a stake in China’s success, just as China has a stake in ours.
I’m pleased to tell you that we have had more high-level engagement and dialogue with China than ever before, and I believe it is constructive and productive. I’m pleased to say we enjoy unprecedented people-to-people ties, and I hope that that will grow stronger. And even as we are clear-eyed about our differences – and we will be, and there are differences – we are committed to building a comprehensive and a cooperative partnership that allows us to work together in mutual respect.
Just imagine – imagine how different today’s challenges can look tomorrow if we embrace this concept of a dream, if we go from job growth to climate change to pandemic disease to the proliferation of dangerous weapons and with all of us acting as full and constructive partners, we tame the worst elements of those challenges. We simply must work together.
Half a century ago, President John F. Kennedy urged Americans to look intercontinentally instead of inwardly, to bridge oceans with purposeful partnerships. Well, he said we must “look outward to cooperate with all nations in meeting their common concerns.” Today I am here to say that we are just as committed as we became then to looking outward. We’re still committed to an Asia-Pacific partnership that does the same, and we are still committed to cooperating with all nations in meeting our common concerns.
To ensure these partnerships succeed, we need to reach agreement on the real rules of the road through both bilateral discussions as well as through multilateral institutions where all voices can be heard equally. Forums like ASEAN, the East Asia Summit, APEC, the Pacific Islands Forum, they all provide important institutional architecture that helps us creatively solve global problems. And I personally look forward to attending the ASEAN Regional Forum in June, and am optimistic we can agree on tangible steps to enhance security and stability in the region.
All of our partners – all of them have a role to play in supporting regional peace and prosperity. And that includes trying to ultimately make a partner out of North Korea and make it part (inaudible). India, the world’s largest democracy and a nation with a booming young population, is building an Indo-Pacific economic corridor that can promote development, trade, and security in a crucial part of the world. And we strongly believe that our cooperation with our friends in Europe and the West enriches our effort in the East. They are not separate. They are complementary.
Ladies and gentlemen, tackling the challenges that I’ve discussed today requires a region-wide partnership that harnesses the dynamism, the growth, the energy, the resources, the creativity, the dreams of all of our people. We must learn from each other and enrich the common knowledge base that drives global security for growth and progress.
I mentioned Thomas Jefferson earlier. He was not only America’s first Secretary of State and third President, as I said, he was also was a scientist and the founder of a prestigious university like yours. So he would no doubt have strongly supported the innovative mission of Tokyo Tech. And when he died, he didn’t want President and Secretary of State, all those things on his tombstone. He just wanted Founder of the University of Virginia. Jefferson once spoke about the beauty of lighting one’s candle with another person’s candle. And he said that when that happens, both people gain light, and none loses any. Jefferson understood long ago the folly of zero-sum thinking. He appreciated the contagious quality of shared knowledge.
Japan and the United States are no strangers to this kind of cooperation, and that is the story I want to leave you with today.
If you take a map of the United States and drop a pencil right in the middle of it, you would point to a tiny, little town called Greensburg, Kansas. In 2007, a tornado wider than the town itself flattened 95 percent of it; homes, schools, stores just disappeared. You could fit nearly the entire remaining population right here in this room.
But the people in Kansas have the same DNA that you do, that all of us do. They share the same instinct to rebuild better than before. So those who stayed started to create a green city that lives up to its name, Greensburg. And now Greensburg is rising from the rubble of disaster, generating its power from wind turbines and constructing energy efficient buildings. It gets better.
Then, a few months ago, community leaders from towns that were destroyed by the tragedy in Tohoku traveled to Greensburg to learn how they did it. And the communities formed a bond of mutual understanding, kizuna, and through their similar experiences, they went to work. And the people of Tohoku came back here inspired to respond the same way Greensburg had, to rebuild better, smarter, greener, focused firmly on the road ahead.
I know the story is not going to end there. In time, America and others will learn from how you rebuild Tohoku, and we will all continue to share light from one candle to another.
That’s the promise of the Asia Pacific, a region that comes together to make its partners better, knowing there is more that unites us than divides us; a region built for the future, not bound to the past, that answers danger and difficulty with courage and collaboration, that knows that what happens over there matters over here, and what happens here matters over there.
Though our journey may sometimes seem a million miles long, my friends, it is fully within our power to choose how we take our next step. We can only realize the promise of this Pacific Dream if we choose to take that step together, building a partnership that grows strong and fair and smart and just. And if we achieve that together, we will have lived up to our responsibilities for future generations. Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
环球时报社评：
美提“太平洋之梦”，别样的对华姿态
16/04/2013 | 环球时报
美国国务卿克里15日在日本东京工业大学发表演讲，提出“太平洋之梦”。战略界的最初解读认为，这既是美国新班底对未来四年亚太政策的阐述，也是对“中国梦”的回应。克里团队重申了“重返亚太”战略的主要思想，但缓和了与中国针锋相对的姿态，克里同时强调了同中国的合作。
克里演讲强化了世界的一种印象：亚太的核心问题是中美构建什么样的双边关系。以军事力量做后盾对中国进行战略挤压，美国对这一政策的信心在下降。美国将关注对亚太地区的经济主导权，确保针对中国的全面竞争优势。由美国支配的TPP将作为加强同中国经济影响力博弈的舞台。
克里不想顺着希拉里制造的惯性进一步刺激中国，这样的姿态调整值得欢迎。中国对中美关系的态度相对稳定，华盛顿用什么调门对待中国，一直是中美关系的多变因素。
克里提出“太平洋之梦”，形成与“中国梦”的复杂关系。只要美国愿意接受这种复杂性的自然演化，中国的耐心就一定不比美国少。
如果美国不是不停估算中国发展意味着什么样的地缘政治挑战，而是更专注于增强其自身的经济活力，这至少会影响中美竞争的外在形式。多数中国人会认为，无论如何，这比美国试图用军事力量做筹码改变中美的竞争态势要好得多。
但中美经济竞争应当是公平的，否则这种竞争仍会成为中美关系紧张的来源。过去几年，美国对人民币汇率相当任性地指手画脚，利用美元霸权地位稀释亚洲多国外汇储备的价值，华盛顿还有利用政治强势影响中美公司之间竞争的种种表现，如果美国不改变这些做法，那么“太平洋之梦”就是“重返亚太”换一种更温和的说法，属于换汤不换药。
美国姿态的“软化”会令主张与中国强硬对抗的势力感到沮丧。它多少代表了美国对中国崛起的一种现实主义评估。向中国施加传统的战略压力无法实现美国的目标，实际上任何力量选择那样做，都毫无希望。
总有一些国家和力量希望在中美竞争之间扩大自己的战略好处，今后仍会是这样。但中美竞争态势的微妙变化会影响它们的观望和判断，它们今后更难在中美之间做轻率的选边站。
美国的对华姿态调整可以缓解中国前几年对国际战略环境的急迫感受，但我们切不可以为自己取得了“初步胜利”。中国仍处于对美竞争的弱势，美国可以相对随意地调整政策，中国的选择余地则很小。中国过去和今后的主要方针都是战略坚持。
中国需要针对美国的调整也做一些策略性改变，同时要跟上东亚局势发展的节奏。中国近来对朝鲜半岛的姿态微调就很成功，实际上巩固了中国的调解者角色。东北亚各方都因中国的这一角色而受益。
很难说今后四年的中美关系就一定比希拉里时期更顺利。美国必将对同中国的关系投入更多关注，“想得更多”，为维护美国对中国的全面优势极尽其所能。无论美国怎样诠释它的“太平洋之梦”，这点都不会变。
克里东京演讲：首次闡述美国重返亚洲战略
15/04/2013 | Alexander Martin｜The Wall Street Journal
TOKYO--U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said Monday that the U.S. and its allies must work with China to confront regional security challenges, combat environmental degradation and stimulate economic growth.
Mr. Kerry made the remarks in a major policy speech at the Tokyo Institute of Technology, his first outlining the Obama administration's efforts to rebalance its national security focus toward Asia and away from the Middle East, where the U.S. has fought wars over the past decade.
He said long-term prosperity for the U.S. rests on deep engagement in Asia, stressing that this would be a priority for him at the State Department.
"While some might be skeptical of America's commitment to this region, let me be clear: President Obama made a smart and strategic commitment to rebalance our interests and investments in Asia," he said.
"My commitment to you is that as a Pacific nation that takes our Pacific partnership seriously, we will continue to build on our active and enduring presence."
As North Korea ratchets up its rhetoric with a barrage of military and nuclear threats, Mr. Kerry has visited Seoul, Beijing and Tokyo to talk about ways to help calm heightened regional tensions. He met with Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on Monday as he wrapped up a six-nation tour.
Over the weekend, the U.S. and China announced they had agreed on a principle of keeping the Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons. Washington hopes Beijing will use its close relations with Pyongyang to establish a new diplomatic process with the North's young leader, Kim Jong Eun.
Mr. Kerry's speech stressed the importance of enhancing cooperation with China to deal with an array of regional issues.
"We have had more high-level engagement and dialogue with China than ever before, and enjoy unprecedented people-to-people ties," he said. "Imagine how different today's challenges can look tomorrow--from job growth to climate change to pandemic disease to the proliferation of dangerous weapons--with all of us acting as full and constructive partners."
Mr. Kerry also said Washington was ready to talk with North Korea, although he urged Pyongyang to take "meaningful steps to show it will honor commitments it has already made."
"The United States remains open to authentic and credible negotiations on denuclearization, but the burden is on Pyongyang," he said. On Sunday Mr. Kerry said Washington would be willing to open a direct diplomatic channel to North Korea's leadership in a bid to reduce tensions in Northeast Asia, if Pyongyang signaled it would move to begin dismantling its nuclear-weapons arsenal.
Mr. Kerry stressed that China, South Korea and Japan were united in their response to Pyongyang's threats.
"One thing is certain: We are united. There can be no confusion on this point," he said.
The speech on Monday came as South Korea, Japan and the U.S. brace for a possible missile launch by Pyongyang to commemorate the birthday of its founding father, Kim Il Sung. The three nations have bolstered their missile defense capabilities in preparation for a possible launch, following months of high tension on the Korean Peninsula.
中美将建立网络安全工作组
14/04/2013 | 观察者据法新社报道，美国务卿约翰·克里昨天称，中美两国已就此前曾有分歧的网络安全工作组问题达成一致，将在中美战略安全对话框架下设立网络工作组。
克里在记者会上说，网络安全涉及每一个人的生活，涉及生活的方方面面，因此网络安全是各个国家的关切。我们两国都对保护自己国民的网络权利以及各自国家的基础设施感兴趣，所以我们将立刻开始着手加快网络安全的相关工作。
克里昨天访华期间会见了中国外交部长王毅，王毅在会谈时指出，中国坚决反对任何形式的黑客攻击活动。网络安全应该成为中美增进互信、发展合作的新领域，而不是互疑和摩擦源头。双方应该心平气和、客观冷静地看待和处理，本着相互尊重、相互信任的原则进行建设性对话，共同维护和平、安全、开放、合作的网络空间。
中美网络安全问题上的重大分歧在何处？
网络安全问题是中美两国有较大分歧的问题，美国指责中国军方的网络战部队对美国进行攻击，中国对美国也有同样指责。在这种情况下，2012年，美国布鲁金斯学会和军方对网络安全与美中关系评论进行了专题研究并出台一份正式报告，称网络安全问题在中美关系中的重要性在未来几年中将快速增长，如不妥善处理，这将成为中美摩擦的一个主要源头。
该报告指出，网络领域对于两国政府都是重大挑战，这种挑战主要源于网络安全领域最重要的问题反而被最少数人掌握，例如维基解密的朱利安·阿桑奇一个人就产生了对全球的重大影响。波罗的海小国爱沙尼亚去年遭到不明来历的网络攻击导致其网络瘫痪，使这个在全球地缘政治中几乎没有影响的国家产生了远大于其本身的影响。这让中美两国都有必要更加重视各种非国家主体的恶意攻击者，而不是仅仅关注与互相指责对方。
而中美两国在网络安全领域的会谈虽然已经进行了一段时间，但仍存在很多问题，双方至今在术语体系方面尚未达成一致，导致双方在对话中困难重重，例如在一次谈话中，美方用了"engagement"一词，而中方一时无法判断美国的意思是“订婚”还是“交战”。
双方无法统一术语体系的背后是对于网络安全问题的一些根本性的分歧。例如，美方认为，在中东国家动乱期间，通过网络持续报道动乱情况是“人权必不可少的一部分”，而中方则认为这类信息属于“信息攻击”，其目的在于破坏这些国家的稳定。
双方设立共同工作组将会在这些方面展开共同工作以求达成妥协意见。
此外，布鲁金斯学会的报告认为，网络安全对现代国家的潜在破坏性已经不亚于核武器，但是很难确认网络攻击的来源，更可能的是大部分受攻击的对象无法立刻意识到自己遭到攻击，这就使网络安全方面实施攻击远比防护来得容易。据称，美国曾出现过外国间谍在一名国防部雇员车库里扔下一个U盘，这名缺乏安全意识的雇员将这个U盘插入其连入与国际互联网物理隔绝、只连入内部保密网络的电脑，结果发现U盘上存在专业的蠕虫病毒。有证据显示，伊朗的布什尔核电站遭到震网病毒攻击事件中病毒侵入其网络的途径与此相似。
正是因为网络攻击难于防范，很多国家都倾向于以攻击性手段避免自己在网络安全领域处于单方面的劣势。这就带来一个问题，这种行为的底线在哪里。
美国目前已经效仿核战略建立了自己的网络安全战略，即当外国的网络攻击行为超过美国的底线的时候，美国将会实施报复行为，甚至可能诉诸实际的武力行动。某种意义上，美国希望以此来避免别国对自己实施网络攻击。该报告认为，中国也有类似的网络安全底线，但其并未以公开文件形式明确自己的政策。因此该报告建议两国加强接触，就此问题进行对话，避免在无意中触犯对方的安全底线引起重大危机。这也将是中美网络安全工作组的重要任务之一。
网络安全问题是中美两国有较大分歧的问题，美国指责中国军方的网络战部队对美国进行攻击，中国对美国也有同样指责。在这种情况下，2012年，美国布鲁金斯学会和军方对网络安全与美中关系评论进行了专题研究并出台一份正式报告，称网络安全问题在中美关系中的重要性在未来几年中将快速增长，如不妥善处理，这将成为中美摩擦的一个主要源头。
该报告指出，网络领域对于两国政府都是重大挑战，这种挑战主要源于网络安全领域最重要的问题反而被最少数人掌握，例如维基解密的朱利安·阿桑奇一个人就产生了对全球的重大影响。波罗的海小国爱沙尼亚去年遭到不明来历的网络攻击导致其网络瘫痪，使这个在全球地缘政治中几乎没有影响的国家产生了远大于其本身的影响。这让中美两国都有必要更加重视各种非国家主体的恶意攻击者，而不是仅仅关注与互相指责对方。
而中美两国在网络安全领域的会谈虽然已经进行了一段时间，但仍存在很多问题，双方至今在术语体系方面尚未达成一致，导致双方在对话中困难重重，例如在一次谈话中，美方用了"engagement"一词，而中方一时无法判断美国的意思是“订婚”还是“交战”。
双方无法统一术语体系的背后是对于网络安全问题的一些根本性的分歧。例如，美方认为，在中东国家动乱期间，通过网络持续报道动乱情况是“人权必不可少的一部分”，而中方则认为这类信息属于“信息攻击”，其目的在于破坏这些国家的稳定。
双方设立共同工作组将会在这些方面展开共同工作以求达成妥协意见。
此外，布鲁金斯学会的报告认为，网络安全对现代国家的潜在破坏性已经不亚于核武器，但是很难确认网络攻击的来源，更可能的是大部分受攻击的对象无法立刻意识到自己遭到攻击，这就使网络安全方面实施攻击远比防护来得容易。据称，美国曾出现过外国间谍在一名国防部雇员车库里扔下一个U盘，这名缺乏安全意识的雇员将这个U盘插入其连入与国际互联网物理隔绝、只连入内部保密网络的电脑，结果发现U盘上存在专业的蠕虫病毒。有证据显示，伊朗的布什尔核电站遭到震网病毒攻击事件中病毒侵入其网络的途径与此相似。
正是因为网络攻击难于防范，很多国家都倾向于以攻击性手段避免自己在网络安全领域处于单方面的劣势。这就带来一个问题，这种行为的底线在哪里。
美国目前已经效仿核战略建立了自己的网络安全战略，即当外国的网络攻击行为超过美国的底线的时候，美国将会实施报复行为，甚至可能诉诸实际的武力行动。某种意义上，美国希望以此来避免别国对自己实施网络攻击。该报告认为，中国也有类似的网络安全底线，但其并未以公开文件形式明确自己的政策。因此该报告建议两国加强接触，就此问题进行对话，避免在无意中触犯对方的安全底线引起重大危机。这也将是中美网络安全工作组的重要任务之一。
14/04/2013 |俄罗斯之声
围绕朝鲜的高度危机出现了新的开始对话的可能。谈判可以具有完全不同的格局：华盛顿 - 平壤，平壤 - 首尔 ，朝鲜-美国 - 中国 - 俄罗斯 - 日本 - 韩国。平壤对于直接外交接触的合作准备是如何回答的呢？
莫斯科正在尽一切努力，帮助平壤体面地走出危机，不反对在瑞士针对朝鲜问题举行“六方”会谈。这是在周五俄罗斯外长谢尔盖·拉夫罗夫宣布的。同一天，首尔也宣布愿意与平壤开始谈判，以缓解朝鲜半岛的紧张局势。此后俄罗斯副外长伊格尔·莫尔顾洛夫通过朝鲜驻俄罗斯大使金永南向北朝鲜发出了新的信号。也就是说：避免任何可能导致局势进一步升级的行动，坐回谈判桌。华盛顿支持首尔的倡议。美国国务卿约翰·克里表示，希望朝鲜半岛南北双方之间的关系可以迅速改善。他还重申，愿意就其核计划与朝鲜进行谈判，并承诺帮助朝鲜，如果它执行联合国安理会决议的要求。
远东研究所评论专家雅各布·贝格说：“美国减少了自己的威胁。这表明愿意改变其强硬政策。这与朝鲜方面大致相同。我相信，美国和朝鲜有足够的空间和机会，以某种方式达成一致。有一个针对所有东方国家有效的规则 – 就是最大程度的讨价还价。卖方订出最高价，然后再降低。就是这样。朝鲜威胁要攻击美国，但实际上它并不具备这样的能力。而美国最担心在朝鲜半岛出现核冲突。这将意味着给美国的盟友、美国本身以及北朝鲜带来可怕的后果。
但是尽管有了开始对话的提议，在东北亚地区的“神经战”仍旧在加强。平壤再次警告首尔：朝鲜半岛的战争可能随时开始。他还威胁日本“核打击”。东京回应将采取一切保护措施。
如果朝鲜进行军事挑衅，那么平壤有哪些王牌呢？俄罗斯科学院远东研究所专家的康斯坦丁·阿斯莫洛夫 认为：“ 最好是说，这不是王牌。这是北朝鲜的核武器。在军事冲突的情况下，它不能解决严肃的战略问题，但会引起非常强烈的反应。 当然，国际社会会采取一切措施去针对这个违反了核禁忌的国家。”
朝鲜半岛目前不存在重大军事冲突的先决条件，俄罗斯科学院国际经济和国际关系学院专家亚历山大·费奥多罗夫这样认为。
他说：“任何一个国家，包括朝鲜在内，都不对此感兴趣。对于朝鲜政权来说，与美国大规模冲突，首先是与韩国，可能是致命的，因为力量的不平等，优势当然在拥有现代军队的美国和韩国。 冲突主要与朝鲜的社会经济情况有关，情况非常困难，而新政权显然还不够稳定。这种冲突是为了动员人民以及政治经济精英们团结在朝鲜新任领导人周围。这还是针对外部合作伙伴，使其承认朝鲜政府在谈判中的平等地位以及考虑违反联合国安理会决议的朝鲜核地位。”
本周国际社会又明确表示：不允许平壤违反不扩散制度。而对联合国安理会决议新的违反将导致对朝鲜的严厉制裁。因此，平壤唯一可以让国际社会承认朝鲜是一个负责任的和有理智的国家的方法，就是谈判和尊重朝鲜半岛无核化。
原文链接：http://chinese.ruvr.ru/2013_04_14/210892800/
克里 拿“反导”促中国对朝施压
15/04/2013 | 崔有植、任敏爀|朝鲜日报
美国国务卿克里结束对中国访问，他说如果在韩半岛不存在威胁，则可以削减部署在该地区的导弹防御系统。部署在东亚的美国导弹防御系统是中国最担心的美国军事措施。克里的这番话被解释为，在以削减导弹防御系统为条件敦促中国积极对北韩施压的同时，还在对北韩施展温柔政策。
克里13日在北京举行记者见面会时表示，如果可以肯定北韩完成无核化，各种威胁消失，美国就会认为不需要在该地区部署强大的军事防御网。克里表示，美国希望长远能实施该措施，并且越快越好。《纽约时报》报道说，克里与中国领导人会晤时解释说，美国在该地区加强导弹防御系统，是针对北韩而不是中国，然后表示可削减其导弹防御系统。
随着韩半岛紧张局势的升级，美国政府日前向东亚地区派遣两艘装载对空导弹的宙斯盾军舰，还计划在关岛部署末段高空区域防御系统（THAAD），并在阿拉斯加增加部署截击导弹。中国认为美国的这些动向事实上是在“封锁中国”。
克里当天的发言意味着就韩半岛问题最终会通过中美谈判来解决，而不是通过韩美同盟。也就是说，别说是导弹防御系统(MD)，连驻韩美军规模等对韩国较为敏感的军事悬案问题，也将受到中美谈判结果的影响。
当天，中国国务院总理李克强在会见克里时，就最近的韩半岛局势表示：“在半岛和本地区挑事生事，会损害各方利益，也无异于搬起石头砸自己的脚。”李克强指出，维护地区和平稳定，相关各方都要负起责任、承担后果。有分析人士指出，李克强的此番发言是在向北韩施加外交压力，阻止北韩发射中程弹道导弹。
主管中国外交事务的国务委员杨洁篪则呼吁重启六方会谈。他与克里会晤时表示：“中方会继续耐心做工作，推动北核六方会谈，通过对话解决问题。推动重启六方会谈，全面实现2005年9.19共同声明所确立的目标。”然而，中美两国通过此次会谈在北韩问题上形成多大程度的共识，以及针对北韩问题的合作力度多强，则仍是个未知数。
克里 拿“反导”促中国对朝施压
15/04/2013 | 崔有植、任敏爀|朝鲜日报
美国国务卿克里结束对中国访问，他说如果在韩半岛不存在威胁，则可以削减部署在该地区的导弹防御系统。部署在东亚的美国导弹防御系统是中国最担心的美国军事措施。克里的这番话被解释为，在以削减导弹防御系统为条件敦促中国积极对北韩施压的同时，还在对北韩施展温柔政策。
克里13日在北京举行记者见面会时表示，如果可以肯定北韩完成无核化，各种威胁消失，美国就会认为不需要在该地区部署强大的军事防御网。克里表示，美国希望长远能实施该措施，并且越快越好。《纽约时报》报道说，克里与中国领导人会晤时解释说，美国在该地区加强导弹防御系统，是针对北韩而不是中国，然后表示可削减其导弹防御系统。
随着韩半岛紧张局势的升级，美国政府日前向东亚地区派遣两艘装载对空导弹的宙斯盾军舰，还计划在关岛部署末段高空区域防御系统（THAAD），并在阿拉斯加增加部署截击导弹。中国认为美国的这些动向事实上是在“封锁中国”。
克里当天的发言意味着就韩半岛问题最终会通过中美谈判来解决，而不是通过韩美同盟。也就是说，别说是导弹防御系统(MD)，连驻韩美军规模等对韩国较为敏感的军事悬案问题，也将受到中美谈判结果的影响。
当天，中国国务院总理李克强在会见克里时，就最近的韩半岛局势表示：“在半岛和本地区挑事生事，会损害各方利益，也无异于搬起石头砸自己的脚。”李克强指出，维护地区和平稳定，相关各方都要负起责任、承担后果。有分析人士指出，李克强的此番发言是在向北韩施加外交压力，阻止北韩发射中程弹道导弹。
主管中国外交事务的国务委员杨洁篪则呼吁重启六方会谈。他与克里会晤时表示：“中方会继续耐心做工作，推动北核六方会谈，通过对话解决问题。推动重启六方会谈，全面实现2005年9.19共同声明所确立的目标。”然而，中美两国通过此次会谈在北韩问题上形成多大程度的共识，以及针对北韩问题的合作力度多强，则仍是个未知数。
15/04/2013 | 赵可金|环球时报
作为一个“知华派”，人们对美国国务卿约翰·克里的访华寄予了很高的期待，期待他能开启中美合作的新时代。尤其是在朝鲜半岛局势趋于紧张的关键时刻，克里担任国务卿后的首次东亚之行，更加刺激了各国媒体和舆论的兴趣，连篇累牍的报道都把美国在朝鲜半岛安全问题上的态度作为焦点。不过，舆论也许误解了克里的真正意图，对克里而言，朝鲜半岛安全局势并非是他此行的主要目的，克里更看重的是如何规划一个“强健、正常并特殊的中美关系。”
作为一个熟知外交事务的政治家，克里非常清楚朝鲜半岛问题并不是一个孤立的问题，甚至不是国务卿外交日程中最重要的问题。显然，克里是把半岛安全问题放在美国亚太战略棋局的总体框架中来认识和定位的，与他的前任希拉里·克林顿不同的是，克里更希望加强与中国的合作来回应亚太地区的安全挑战，他不仅在多个场合强调这一看法，而且更在此次访问期间明确提出了中美“特殊关系”的新概念，这是一个非同寻常的外交信号。众所周知，在美国外交辞令中，只有英国和以色列称得上是“特殊关系”，尽管克里并不认为中美关系目前已经成为“特殊关系”，但这一目标设定本身就意味着至少在今后四年，奥巴马政府愿意与中国向着这个目标而共同努力。
如果中美关系果真如克里期待的那样取得实质性进展，那必将改变整个世界格局和国际关系发展的方向，他的此次访问也将是“改变世界的一天”。然而，也许连克里本人都会认为这是一个极其困难的任务，更多的人也对这一目标充满疑虑。但是，如果仔细分析克里讲话的言外之意，就会发现克里更强调中美之间的务实合作，克里在委婉地表达白宫的意思：希望与中国一起做生意。
此次克里从北京带回一个实质性的成果，那就是中美在新能源领域中的合作协议，以及中国领导人所传递出的构建中美平等互信、包容互鉴、互利共赢的新型大国关系的倡议。不过，克里更期待中国对美国的投资，他在记者会上花了很大的篇幅来游说中国企业特别是私营企业到美国投资，并表达出美国政府为此努力降低门槛和克服障碍的意愿。
克里还以朝鲜半岛安全局势为核心，强调在亚太地区开展安全合作问题上，美国愿与中国共同采取积极努力。这些表态明显调整了以往在中美关系上“以压促合”的做法，与其前任强调“战略再平衡”和“重返亚太”略有不同的是，克里打开了“责任再平衡”的中美合作之窗。两国能否走出一条新型大国关系之路，是令各方高度期待的问题。
不管各方是否愿意承认，当前中美关系正处于迅速转型和调整之中。一方面，奥巴马政府在振兴美国经济和维护美国世界领导地位方面心有余而力不足，迫切需要一个强有力的合作伙伴。另一方面，中国国际影响力不断壮大，中国既有参与国际事务的意愿，也有承担责任的能力。中美国际责任的再平衡，是大势所趋。
当然，中美“责任再平衡”的过程不会是一帆风顺，克里的主张并非美国战略界主流。一旦美国经济复苏，美国对华强硬论还会走到台前，对中美关系产生消极影响。因此，要想使“责任再平衡”顺利进行，中美应拿出实实在在的行动，将中美合作的各项措施落实到实处，不断积聚中美关系发展的正能量。
（作者是清华大学国际问题研究所副所长）
原文链接：http://opinion.huanqiu.com/opinion_world/2013-04/3829346.html
US eyes strong, normal, specialrelationship with China
14/04/2013 | China.org.cn
US eyes strong, normal, specialrelationship with China
14/04/2013 | China.org.cn
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said on Saturday that the United States wants a "strong, normal and special" relationship with China as the Asian country is a great power with great ability to advance the world.
"We need to work together to do that," Kerry told reporters during a briefing Saturday night after he met with Chinese leaders during his first Beijing trip since taking office in February.
Kerry said the United States and China, as two of the most powerful economies in the world as well as two permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, "you have the possibility of create synergy," which will benefit the whole world.
"We have a stake in China's success, and China has a stake in the success of the United States," said the top U.S. diplomat, adding that his country welcomes a stable and prosperous China.
"We welcome Chinese investment in the United States," Kerry said, highlighting "huge" business opportunities in infrastructure projects, including water projects, transportation projects, and energy projects among others.
During the briefing, Kerry said the two countries will hold the fifth China-U.S. Strategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) in July.
Besides the S&ED, the two countries will continue to develop their bilateral relationship with the China-U.S. High-level Consultation on People-to-People Exchange and other mechanisms, Kerry said.
"Through these and other discussions, we will work to enhance mutual trust and understanding based on mutual respect between our countries," he said.
Kerry also told reporters that the United States and China will work together to ensure cyber security.
"Cyber security affects everybody," he said, "So we are going to work immediately on an accelerated basis on cyber."
Kerry said during his Beijing stay, he talked with Chinese officials on bilateral, global and regional security issues, beginning with the situation on the Korean Peninsula.
Without giving specifics, Kerry said, "China and the United States, today, we committed ourselves to find a peaceful solution (to the situation)."
China is "very serious" about the denuclearization on the peninsula, he said.
Washington Post：U.S., China agree to cooperate on Korea crisis
13/04/2013 | Washington Post
BEIJING — Secretary of State John F. Kerry lobbied China on Saturday to lean harder on its Marxist ally North Korea, suggesting that Washington might reverse certain military moves in the region if the North gives up its nuclear weapons ambitions.
Kerry argued that
the North’s escalating belligerence threatens the entire Pacific region,
including China’s interests. He won a modest restatement of the shared goal of
a non-nuclear Korean Peninsula and a public call from China’s foreign policy
chief, Yang Jiechi, for a way out of the tension “peacefully, through
dialogue.”
That was a clear
warning to North Korea that its main economic and political protector does not
want a new Asian war.
“People in the
region understand what the balance of the power is in the situation,” Kerry
said during a news conference closing his day of meetings with Chinese
President Xi Jinping and other officials. “Everybody is hoping that
reasonableness will prevail.”
Kerry said he
would not discuss specific promises or plans by China in dealing with its ally,
saying China may or may not choose to reveal its program publicly. But he
claimed a clear
commitment between the United States and China to “bear down” together
to reduce the risk of war or nuclear proliferation from North Korea.
He dangled the
possibility that if North Korea gave up its nuclear weapons capability the
United States might reverse military actions that have unnerved China,
including additional missile defenses in Guam and Japan that Kerry said have
been in “direct response to the fact that American interest and American
territory” were threatened by North Korea.
“It would be our
hope in the long run that — or, better yet, in the short run — that we can
address that,” Kerry said.
China shares the
U.S. view that a new missile launch from North Korea now would be “unwanted and
unwarranted,” Kerry said, and he appealed openly to North Korean leader Kim
Jong Un to “join in seeking a negotiated solution.”
That was a
reference to possible new talks with North Korea nearly four years
afterinternational negotiations that included China and the United States
collapsed. The United States and South Korea welcomed the prospect of talks
under the right conditions, part of an effort this past week to reduce tensions.
China agreed to work with the United States on starting a new round of talks.
North Korea’s
recent threatening moves could be a bid to raise the stakes for such talks, and
Kerry was clearly leery of appearing too eager.
The United States
and China agreed to follow up quickly on Saturday’s joint agreement,
he said. Gen.
Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, will visit China
within weeks. Kerry’s deputy, William
J. Burns, and intelligence agency officials will also come to Beijing soon
to collaborate on North Korea, Kerry said.
“From this moment
forward, we are committed to taking actions in order to make good on that
goal,” Kerry said before a dinner with Yang. “We are determined to make that
goal a reality. China and the United States must together take steps in order
to achieve the goal of a denuclearized Korean Peninsula.”
克里抵京，中美探索新型大国关系
13/04/2013 | 中新网
美国国务卿克里13日将开始其上任后的首次访华之旅，此间美国中国问题专家认为，在两国领导层完成换届以及两国关系处于十字路口之际，克里此访将为中美关系开启“机遇之窗”，同时为开创新型大国关系找寻“新答案”。
克里此次访问面临两个特殊的背景：一是美中两国领导层刚刚完成换届，两国目前正面临审视双边关系的机遇；二是中美最近几个月因网络安全等诸多摩擦而疏远，两国关系需要“重启”。
卡内基国际和平基金会副会长包道格表示，克里虽然非常熟悉外交事务，但是他有好多年没有前往东亚，因此有必要进行这次访问，特别是加强与中国的沟通，尤其是在两国关系处于一个十字路口的关口。
包道格说，尽管现在的头条新闻都是关于朝鲜问题的，但是克里的这次访问最重要的是与中方建立关系和相互信任，为今后的美中关系奠定基调。
丹佛大学国际关系学院教授、中美合作研究中心主任赵穗生在接受本社记者采访时表示，克里访华将为中美关系带来重新修正和改善的机遇窗口。虽然克里上任后首访选择的是欧洲和中东，而不是亚洲，但这对中国而言反而是“好事”。
赵穗生认为，前任国务卿希拉里上任后首次出访便选择了中国等亚洲国家，但随后即开始“亚太再平衡战略”，对中国采取了锋芒毕露和咄咄逼人的姿态。而克里上台后选择欧洲和中东，意味着美国将在这两个地区加大投入，这无形中就把美国“重返亚太战略”的锋芒消磨了一下。
赵穗生指出，克里此举为中美两国进行再思考留下了很大空间，有利于厘清未来四年中美关系的走向和定位，为两国关系的转圜留出了很大的空间和余地。
事实上，克里在他的提名听证会上就流露出了对美国“重返亚太”战略的疑虑，特别是增加亚太驻军的问题，会令中国人认为美国在围堵中国。他表示“如果你们确认我的提名，这将是我首先要非常小心审视的事”。
包道格认为，克里已意识到，亚太再平衡的有关说法使得中国人觉得这是对中国的围堵，因此试图对此做出改变。美国布鲁金斯学会中国问题专家李侃如在接受媒体采访时也呼吁奥巴马应马上再平衡其亚太再平衡战略，将中国带入更加积极、建设性的轨道。他建议奥巴马利用中国领导人大面积更替的机会，主动示好，先出牌，等待中国领导人回牌。
一些分析人士认为，克里作为美国政坛所谓的“知华派”甚至“亲华派”，以“老朋友”的面孔访华将有助于他与中国领导人打交道。克里在其30多年的政治生涯中一直主张对华接触、反对遏制中国。他也曾多次访华，曾与中国几代领导人会面。
赵穗生告诉记者，克里在对华问题上比较理性和冷静，不像前任那么强硬，因此比较受中国人欢迎。不过，他并不赞同将美国对华政策圈子分成“亲华派”或“反华派”、“鸽派”或“鹰派”，因为他们归根结底都是为美国利益服务的。
多数美国专家都认同，克里出任国务卿对中美关系固然是利好，但奥巴马政府在与中国打交道四年之后，其对华政策已基本成型，第二任期将会有延续性。
克里从希拉里手中接过接力棒，由于效力于同一位总统，意味着他将会继续希拉里的一些“未竞事业”，也包括寻找希拉里一直试图求解的创建中美新型大国关系的“老问题”的“新答案”，即当一个老牌强国和一个新兴强国相遇时会有何结果。
习近平会见美国国务卿克里
13/04/2013 | 新華網
习近平会见美国国务卿克里
13/04/2013 | 新華網
 |
新華網北京４月１３日電（記者錢彤）中國國家主席習近平１３日下午在人民大會堂會見美國國務卿克裏。
習近平首先回顧了２００９年５月克裏作為美國參議院外交委員會主席對中國的訪問。習近平說，你是美國資深政治家，無論擔任參議員還是國務卿，都重視致力于發展中美關係，我對此表示讚賞。
習近平說，你是我擔任國家主席後一個月內第二次會見美國內閣成員，前不久我會見了美國財政部長雅各布‧盧，這說明兩國都充分認識到中美關係的重要性。當前，中美關係處于新的時期，開局良好。我當選國家主席當天，就與奧巴馬總統通電話，我們都重申要致力于發展中美合作夥伴關係，重申致力于構建中美新型大國關係，確認了兩國關係的戰略定向和發展方向。相信國務卿此次訪華，有助于保持兩國關係發展的積極勢頭。
克裏表示，他此次訪問正處于一個關鍵性時期，雙方將討論一係列富有挑戰性的話題。在這樣的關鍵時期，雙方要致力于塑造美中關係，規劃未來路線圖。
13/04/2013 | 中新网
王毅欢迎克里上任后首次访华。他表示，当前中美关系正处于承前启后、继往开来的新时期，你在这样一个关键的时期访华，具有重要意义。中美两国元首电话会谈时确认，继续推进中美合作伙伴关系，探索构建新型大国关系。我们双方最主要的任务，就是通过实际行动，把两国领导人的重要共识转化为具体政策。
王毅说，中美关系新时期开局良好，我们希望通过你此访，共同规划中美关系未来发展的路线图，来进一步提升两国合作关系。我们也希望本着相互尊重的精神，妥善处理敏感问题和分歧，来确保中美关系稳定健康发展。
克里感谢王毅的邀请，他表示已经和王毅外长建立了良好的工作关系，非常同意中美之间要构建良好长远路线图的观点。希望通过今天的交流，为未来两国领导人之间更好地沟通铺路，推动两国关系发展。
朝鲜威胁为克里访华增加了一些“甜味”
13/04/2013 | 俄罗斯之声
朝鲜核导弹威胁也许是美国国务卿克里访问北京期间唯一能找到的共识性问题。中国新领导人和美国国务卿的首次会晤将于4月13日到14日举行。
在朝鲜半岛发生危机前，就曾计划举行这些会晤。俄罗斯《国防》杂志总编伊戈尔·科洛特钦科认为，现在将不得不对日程安排紧急增加内容。
他说：“磋商的基本目标是，试图寻找共同的解决方案，使局势不至于直接演变成军事冲突。对于东北亚局势来说，这种冲突将具有绝对的不可预测的后果。”
从实质来看，将能够制定出共同的立场。中国和美国都坚决反对朝鲜发射弹道导弹和再次进行核试验。尽管美国也许希望局势朝着最坏的方向发展，以便拥有在本地区增加军事存在的借口。但不管怎样，北京和华盛顿都主张尽快通过外交手段调节危机。而且，美国客人也将请求北京利用自己和平壤得天独厚的关系来对其施加压力。在最近几天，华盛顿一直在阐述着这一论调，但北京对此没有反应。俄罗斯科学院远东所专家雅科夫·别尔格尔认为，也许这要做是有其道理的。
他说：“有人认为，中国通过某种方式可以对朝鲜施加压力。这仅仅是一种臆测。中国并没有什么非常重要的杠杆，以便终止朝鲜继续导弹和核试验。无论是中国、美国还是其它哪个国家，都无法做到这一点。”
美国国务卿访华注定将取得成果。要知道，这是美国外交部门首脑和中国新任领导人的首次会晤。因此，双方在开始之前就将论述发展合作的重要性。科学院美加所副所长巴维尔·佐洛塔列夫这样认为。
他说：“中美之间在很多领域都有合作的基础。两国有强大的经济基础和贸易上的相互利益。这就决定了访问会是充实的、富有内容的。也许，大部分问题将和经济有关。”
北京已经宣布，力争在贸易领域须谨慎对待的情势中找到出路。其中包括，中国商品进入美国市场的障碍问题。以前这种障碍完全是以反倾销为表现形式的贸易问题。现在又增加了政治上的阻碍。在和网络间谍进行斗争的框架下，美国禁止购买中国企业生产的计算机系统和信息技术。
网络间谍问题已经成为中美关系中最复杂的问题之一。也许，克里国务卿和其中国同行们还将进行相互指责。双方指责对方攻破计算机网络、造成数十亿计美元的损失，但他们都不想对这种情况进行纾困。也许是不想这样做。因此，本次访问期间，在这一领域要达成共识的可能性较小。
12/04/2013 |凤凰卫视
凤凰卫视4月12日《直播》节目播出“克里：金正恩需要明白半岛冲突的后果”，以下为文字实录：
现在是记者提问时间，是KBS的记者向克里提出了问题：“朝鲜半岛问题已是一个长久的安全问题，朴槿惠总统一直希望能和朝鲜进行对话，一直期望有这种可能。但您认为这次可能性多大？并且美国长期以来和朝鲜没有对话的机会，如果美国能够和朝鲜有对话的机会的话，美国希望讨论什么样的议题，是否有讨论朝鲜导弹问题的可能性？”
其次想向韩国外交部长提出问题：现在整个国际社会都在朝鲜问题上进行努力，韩美长官会议也是在这个方向进行努力，是否在其他的方面也会做出相应的努力？外交部现在是不是有什么具体的计划？而且如果朝鲜一直这样进行军事挑衅的话，外交部有什么样的对策？”
克里：“如果朝鲜决定要发射舞水端导弹——这是他们之前一直在做出的威胁，如果他们真的采取这样一个不必要的行动，这是大家不希望看到的，将会使现在已经非常动荡的局势更加的不稳定，这显示出谁才是真正的挑衅的一方。
我们当然希望能够举行会谈，通过对话来解决，推动六方会谈，或者是双边的一些会谈，或者其他方式来实现我们所期望的真正的未来，也就是‘去核化’，这依赖于朴槿惠总统，还有朝鲜半岛的统一，和平的利用核能，和‘去核化’是非常重要的，所以这要看金正恩能够做出什么样的决定。如果他们不改变当前的形势，我们会捍卫自己的同盟日本、韩国，来对抗这样的威胁，我们也会捍卫自己。
金正恩他需要明白，我想他应该也是明白的，这样的冲突会带来什么样的后果，我们希望能够回到谈判桌上。
那么您问这些会谈的前提是什么？非常简单，他们就要准备好来履行他们的国际义务，并且去遵守国际的准则，并且确保他们能够实现‘去核化’，这样我们的会谈才能够开始。但是，他们必须非常认真和严肃的对待这个问题，没有人会去跟他玩这个游戏，像过去几年那样，陪他玩这样的一个游戏，这是不必要的，也是非常危险的。
在明天，我会去中国和中国的领导人沟通，我想这是非常重要的，在这个世界上没有一个国家对朝鲜有能够超过中国的影响力，中国有很大的能力来影响这个事件。
我希望明天我们和中方的对话能够缓解这个紧张局势，让朝韩双方，还有世界上其他国家的人民认识到我们都朝着正确的方向行进，那就是通向协商的道路，一个缓解紧张局势的道路，这是我们的期望，这也是谈话的前提。
我们准备好，韩国也准备好去采取必要的措施，去履行自己的国际义务，希望朝鲜也能如此，这样才能够开展认真的、严肃的‘去核化’。”
美国国务卿克里首访亚洲
12/04/2013 |杰夫•代尔|金融时报
约翰•克里(John Kerry)现在很可能在想，自己到底惹下了什么麻烦。他为期十天的全球出访行程已经过半，迄今为止主要用于推进阿以和平进程和处理叙利亚内战问题。今天，这位美国新任国务卿将飞往最新这场朝鲜危机的中心。
这是克里履任以来首次访问亚洲。在朝鲜可能试射新型中程弹道导弹之际，克里将访问首尔、北京和东京。人们普遍认为，朝鲜此举是为了迫使国际社会做出进一步妥协或者提供进一步援助。
克里此行将为国际社会如何回应朝鲜的最新威胁定下基调。他的目标将是：顶住来自朝鲜的压力，再一次给韩国和日本两个盟友吃定心丸，同时诱使中国向其盟友朝鲜加大施压。
朝鲜最近多次放言要制造“一片火海”，这是它的惯用招数。但美国官员承认，如今朝鲜半岛危机局势之所以异乎寻常地紧张，是因为人们对朝鲜新领导人金正恩(Kim Jong-eun)的真实意图知之甚少。
美国国家情报总监詹姆斯•克拉珀(James Clapper)表示：“他的主要目标是巩固权力……他正试图显示局势在自己的掌控之中。”金正恩的目的似乎不外乎是，让“全世界、尤其是美国”，接受“朝鲜已拥有核打击能力的现实，从而获得认可、接纳和帮助。”
尽管朝鲜之前的数次恐吓都曾成功迫使国际社会让步，但昨日的八国集团(G8)峰会凸显出国际社会此次不愿妥协的态度。峰会发表了一份声明，“用最严厉的措辞”谴责了朝鲜的核计划；与会的各国部长还威胁称，如果朝鲜继续试射导弹，将对其采取进一步制裁措施。
俄罗斯外长谢尔盖•拉夫罗夫(Sergei Lavrov)周三表示：“我们在朝鲜问题上与美国没有分歧。”
前美国朝鲜特使约瑟夫•狄长礼(Joseph DeTrani)表示：“平壤方面认为，我们会避免冲突。他们认为，如果把威胁和恐吓的功夫做足，我们将会给他们一些好处。但我认为，谁也不打算继续这么做了——没有人愿意屈服。”
国际社会对朝鲜威胁的联合回应，对中国造成了更大的压力。随着国际社会最近对朝鲜的措辞日趋严厉，中国已公开表示对朝鲜的不满，这为克里明日在北京的会谈提供了机遇。美国及其他亚洲国家希望中国采取进一步措施压制朝鲜，包括限制部分贸易、以及关闭一些银行账户。
刚刚卸任的美国东亚及太平洋事务助理国务卿科特•坎贝尔(Kurt Campbell)认为，中国对朝鲜的态度有“微妙转变”，对此朝鲜不应视若无睹。
坎贝尔指出：“这一点在联合国(UN)已经有目共睹。我们在私下的谈话中看到了，大家从北京方面发表的声明中也看到了。最重要的一点变化是，中国人承认，他们之前对朝鲜的政策没有产生效果。”
以更广的视角来看，克里此行将是一扇窗户，人们将透过此行、仔细寻找他对奥巴马政府“重返亚洲”战略看法的蛛丝马迹。在1月份的国务卿提名人审议听证会(confirmation hearing)上，克里似乎站在了这一战略的批评者一边。批评者认为，奥巴马政府过于重视加强在亚洲的军事力量，这必将导致中国的疏远。
克里当时说：“我们在亚洲部署的军力，已远远超过世界任何其他国家，包括中国。而中国人环顾四周之后会说，‘美国在干什么？想包围我们吗？’我认为我们必须三思而后行。”
然而，朝鲜危机的最新动向，促使美国向亚洲部署了比以往更多的人力和物力，包括在关岛部署反导系统。该系统还可能降低中国自己的导弹部队的潜在威胁。
原文链接：http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001049915
美国国务卿克里领衔掀美高官新一轮访华
12/04/2013 |吴庆才|中新社
中新社华盛顿4月11日电 (记者 吴庆才)美国国务卿克里本周末的访华之旅格外受关注，这是他出任国务卿后首次访华，也是奥巴马政府与中国新领导层快速对接的一系列安排之一，此后还将有多名美国高官接踵访华。
克里11日在伦敦参加完“八国峰会”后即启程前往东亚，此行他将先后访问韩国、中国和日本，这也是他担任国务卿之后的首次东亚之行，其中对中国的访问时间为4月13日至14日。
美国国务院发言人纽兰上月在宣布这次访问的消息时表示，克里亚洲之行将讨论一系列双边、多边、地区和全球议题，并就经济合作、环境保护等议题交换意见。
美国副国务卿霍马茨近日在访华时对中国媒体表示，网络安全和朝鲜问题也会是克里访问日程上的重要议题，他认为，克里此访一定会是“具有建设性”的访问。
霍马茨说，克里国务卿精通外交政策，而且他对中国以及东亚地区均有足够了解，这次访问是他与中方新领导人的良好机会，双方可以就国际关系问题交换意见，深化了解，并推进关系。
克里对中国及其领导人并不陌生。在长期的政治生涯中，克里曾多次访华，与中国几代领导人都有接触。
在美国政坛，克里被视为对华“鸽派”，他历来主张对华接触，反对遏制中国。外界相信这将有助于他与中国领导人打交道，并建立私人关系，减少双方外交新团队对接的磨合期。
继克里之后，美军参谋长联席会议主席登普西4月下旬也将对中国进行为期4天的访问。美国国防部长哈格尔本月初在与中国国防部长常万全通电话时亲自宣布了这一消息，他还邀请常万全今年访美。
美国总统国家安全事务助理多尼隆也计划于5月访问中国。多尼隆是奥巴马的重要智囊，在其亚洲和对华决策中占据重要位置。
此前，美国财政部长雅各布·卢也已于上月下旬访华，并与中国国家领导人会面，这是两国新领导班子成立后中美高层官员的首次接触。也是卢本人上任短短几个星期后的首次出访，中国总理李克强在会晤卢时说，我相信这充分说明了你本人和美国政府对日益增长的中美关系的重视。
奥巴马政府高官掀起的这一轮访华潮引发各方关注。有分析人士认为，这反映了奥巴马政府希望与中国新领导层展开接触与对话的迫切愿望，表明他重视中美关系并希望改善两国关系。
也有分析认为，这一系列访问只是为两国元首的互访作铺垫。《纽约时报》引述相关人士的话称，这一轮高频率的外交访问部分是为了弥补一个事实，即奥巴马计划9月才与习近平会面，届时G20峰会将在俄罗斯圣彼得堡举行。
一些美国专家也呼吁尽快实现“习奥会”。中美关系正常化“功臣”之一布热津斯基最近表示，奥巴马与习近平应尽快会晤，以审视两国关系已经取得的进步，制定新的目标，进一步发展泛太平洋行为准则，重申美中间新兴的历史性伙伴关系的重要性。
“世界无疑需要这样的美中关系。”这位美国当代著名战略思想家说。
